Welcome to Online English Section with explanation in Affairs Cloud.com. Here we are creating question sample in sentence fillers, which is BASED ON Bank EXAMS 2018 !!!
Directions- (Q.1-10) In the mentioned questions , a paragraph is given. Fill the blank with the correct sentence from the options .
- In 1871, the colonial regime passed the notorious Criminal Tribes Act. This law was based upon the racist British belief that in India there were entire groups and communities that were criminal by birth, nature, and occupation. __________________ More than six decades after independent India repealed the Act, the “denotified tribes” continue to suffer from stigma and systemic disadvantage.
1. The Act unleashed a reign of terror, with its systems of surveillance, police reporting, the separation of families, detention camps, and forced labour.
2. The colonial administrators were particularly concerned about nomadic and itinerant communities, which by virtue of their movements and lifestyle were difficult to track, surveil, control, and tax.
3.Through laws such as the Criminal Tribes Act, and other legal weapons such as vagrancy laws, the regime attempted to destroy these patterns of life, by using criminal laws to coerce communities into settlements and subjecting them to forced labour.
4. Once individuals fall within its clutches, the Begging Act effectively renders them invisible, by confining them to “certified institutions” after a truncated, summary judicial procedure.
5. Like the poorhouses of 19th century Europe, it is based on a philosophy of first criminalising poverty, and then making it invisible by physically removing “offenders” from public spaces.
- The recent hearings in the Supreme Court relating to the Sabarimala case have turned the spotlight on the status of religious faith in a system governed by the rule of law and the Constitution. ______________________ It leaves him with the uncomfortable thought that from the time of the advent of the Constitution, no religious practice has been safe in a system of Constitution-controlled governance. Nothing could be farther from the truth. The clash between religious faith and the law is not of recent origin and it would be unfair to lay the blame at the doorstep of the Constitution. On the other contrary, it is an inevitable consequence of human evolution.
1. For centuries, religious faith and the principles it enunciated were the “law” that regulated society.
2. But in a democracy with the Constitution as a guiding force, it is natural that the new order would challenge the old, and the litigative battles that we see in court today are the struggles between that old order and the new in the path of human evolution.
3. Any attention bestowed on such discussions by a person of faith and belief appears to leave the observer with an uneasy feeling that the Constitution is the prime suspect in these proceedings.
4. This is, however, not to say that the struggle between the law and religious faith did not exist before the Constitution came into existence.
5. There were people who asserted the supremacy of the law over religious belief even in the pre-Constitution days. One such example was the “Tirupathi Mahant case” in the Madras High Court.
- _______________________ There are 183 cases pending in High Courts on non-compliance of norms by the ITIs. However, the short-term training programmes of the Ministry evade any scrutiny and action. For example, the Standard Training Assessment and Reward scheme spent 850 crore in 2013-14 with no norms for quality. There were no Aadhaar checks, attendance requirements and batch size limitations. Private training operators have made a profit with no court cases.
1. We need better oversight, with a national board for all skill development programmes. The core work (accreditation, assessment, certification and course standards) cannot be outsourced.
2. The parliamentary committee has shed light on the ITIs. If the same exercise were extended to other skill development schemes, the picture would be grimmer.
3. The report also reinforces disturbing findings of a national survey by the research institute (NILERD) of the Planning Commission in 2011 about private ITIs.
4. They offered training in less than five trades (in government ITIs it is less than 10); had fewer classrooms and workshops for practice; and their teachers were very poorly paid.
5. We should also have a mandatory rating system for the ITIs that is published periodically. A ranking of the ITIs on several parameters such as the one done by the National Assessment and Accreditation Council in tertiary education can be replicated.
- The answer to the question of what the people of Tamil Nadu need today is thus a simple one: stability and the return of good governance. Yet that requires a wounded, limping AIADMK to have the foresight to set aside personal rivalries and hatred and pull itself together under one leader for the greater good; or if that is looking unlikely, it requires an aspirational Stalin to seize the day, infuse newfound energy into his party cadres and mobilise his constituents like never before. He can only steer the DMK ship through the choppy waters of Tamil Nadu’s turmoil if he recasts the Dravidian movement’s commitment to the Tamil ethos in a modern mould, reinventing the very design of his vehicle and charting a new course______________________.
1. Unsurprising then, that this has deepened the systemic institutional rot and contributed to a deterioration of the policy environment to the point where numerous industries have fled to other States.
2. Simultaneously the weakening of government institutions has meant that the State’s response to multiple socio-political crises has been lacklustre, if not utterly inadequate.
3. The long list here would include the bumbling approach to the Jallikattu and Sterlite protests, mismanagement of water resources resulting in floods in Chennai and periodic drought-like conditions elsewhere, disparate crises facing sectors such as sand and electric power, and the cloud of collective uncertainty that all of these vagaries engender, putting a question mark on the economic future of Tamil Nadu.
4. When the DMK governed, it took a slightly less brazen, but equally damaging, form of shadowy nepotism of the “First Family” giving them control over gargantuan resources in telecom and other sectors.
5. It is here that the legacy of Karunanidhi matters most, as he was the last anchor to a political tradition that will continue to shape the destiny of the State.
- There is another piece of cynicism that one needs to be cautious of. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is adept at projecting a mastery of electoral frames and governance to maximise electoral output. ______________________________With 40 lakh names off the final draft of the NRC, it has made a play for the majoritarian vote. The party will dwell on the claim that it took the bull by the horns, updating the citizens’ register, a challenge the Congress was not up to.
1. The politics of citizens’ registers underlines the problem of migratory politics, refracted through the layered memories of many historical events. 2. It began in the colonial era when the British attempted to import labour for the plantations.
3. Major displacements like Partition and the Bangladesh war added to a huge “illegal” population. “Legality” is determined through certificates. Legitimacy is a stamped paper.
4. It took the normalcy of a governance project and turned it into a panopticon, classifying citizens through a system of surveillance, creating a sense of sovereignty where the bureaucrat plays god, deciding who is in and who is out.
5. Here, the temporariness of the migrant is something that haunts her. Vulnerable though she is, she also becomes prey to electoral politics of corrupt politicians seeking instant constituencies.
- Only in 1952, after the international clamour for an immediate plebiscite had somewhat subsided, did Jawaharlal Nehru invite Abdullah to discuss how India and Jammu and Kashmir could be more closely integrated. ____________________
Before the Delhi Agreement could be implemented, the situation was altered radically because of three factors. First, any plans for an immediate Plebiscite were abandoned in 1954, which strengthened New Delhi’s hand. Second, in 1953, Nehru faced a nationwide campaign from the Hindu right-wing demanding greater integration of Kashmir. And finally, and perhaps most importantly, in August 1953, Abdullah was arrested and replaced by Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed, who was far more amenable to integration with India.
1. However, it still left the State with enormous autonomy. Foremost, all “residuary powers” rested with the State legislature.
2. The State government could detain people who did not enjoy the right to appeal to the Supreme Court. It also retained its controversial land reforms measures and the final authority over any alteration of the State’s boundaries.
3. Among its lesser known provisions at the time was Article 35A, a holdover from the colonial era.
It took another 70 years of successive governments steadily chipping away at Jammu and Kashmir’s autonomy to bring it to today, when the only meaningful “special status” that it enjoys is Article 35A.
4. To be sure, the whole project of federal nation-building requires constant negotiation between the nation state and its components. Arguably, India’s efforts to bring Kashmir into its fold can be told as part of such a story. However, such efforts need to have an underpinning of at least some kind transparent democratic process.
5. The result was the 1952 Delhi Agreement which, contrary to popular belief, still fell short of the 1954 Presidential Order. For instance, the 1952 agreement did not finalise financial integration and required the fundamental rights and citizenship to be granted to the State’s residents via the State Legislature.
- The victory of Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) in the recent general elections in Pakistan poses both challenges and opportunities for India. ______________________ Mr. Khan’s ‘victory speech’ had several well-meaning and conciliatory references to India which, if logically followed up, could potentially yield long-term benefits for the two countries. But it may be unrealistic to expect much movement in bilateral ties till India’s own general elections are concluded.
1. This is not to say that Mr. Khan has a clean record: he has been a supporter of Pakistan’s blasphemy law and has in the past flirted with right wing parties and terror outfits in Pakistan, which earned him the moniker ‘Taliban Khan’.
2. The challenge would be to engage a newly minted Pakistani Prime Minister who is yet to reveal his way of conducting diplomacy. The opportunity, even so, lies in the fact that the rise of Mr. Khan will enable India to deal with the Pakistani ‘deep state’ more effectively.
3. Despite allegations of a rigged election in Pakistan in which the army is said to have enabled Mr. Khan’s victory, it is widely recognised that there was a major groundswell of support for him.
4. The fact that his PTI left the rival Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) far behind in terms of seat share, and that the PTI, until recently a provincial party, made stunning inroads in all of Pakistan’s provinces shows that the big story is also the rise of a charismatic Pakistani political leader seen as incorruptible and visionary by young voters.
5. More significantly, despite concerns in India, religious parties have once again failed to convert their street power into political outcomes, which goes to highlight the sheer lack of mass base for terror outfits and their affiliates in Pakistan, and the moderate nature of its polity.
- Given that citizenship is a legal fiction, established or denied in accordance with a procedure under law, one would have hoped that the Supreme Court’s monitoring of the process would have ensured fairness and transparency. Regrettably it has not been so. From the non-transparent “family tree verification” process, to the somewhat arbitrary rejection of the gram panchayat certificates (affecting mostly women), the process has been riddled with legal inconsistencies and errors. _________________Likewise, the number of people affected by the rejection of panchayat residency certificates is more than 45 lakh — a little more than the number of people who have been left out of the final list.
1. These are not minor errors. For instance, the supposedly robust family tree verification process has resulted in numerous instances of parents being on the draft list but children being left out — precisely the kinds of errors which were supposed to be excluded.
2. A much larger question also remains unanswered and one which the court has not deigned to ask itself in the nine years it has been seized of this matter: to what end this exercise?
3. Even if the objections and corrections are properly dealt with, there are likely to be many individuals (running into lakhs at the very least) who will be unable to prove Indian citizenship.
4. The immediate consequence is that they will lose their right to vote (which temporarily ends the public interest litigation).
5. But that only results in the beginning of a new problem: what will be the status of the several lakh individuals who would have suddenly lost Indian citizenship with no recourse in sight?
- ____________________Historically and in the present day, there have always been vast complexities in the political mechanics of the DMK, and Karunanidhi was integral to every turn of its screw. From the early years of the Dravidian movement, when C.N. Annadurai and Periyar E.V. Ramasamy recognised their young protégé’s talent for firing up people through his mastery of Tamil and his fearlessness in pushing back on hegemonic Brahminism, to the later years when after his meteoric rise to Chief Ministership of the State, he was noticed on the national stage for his brilliance as a party organiser, Karunanidhi’s identity was inseparable from his party’s for half a century.
1. The passing of Muthuvel Karunanidhi, president of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and titan of the Dravidian movement, has come at a critical juncture in the politics of Tamil Nadu.
2. On the one hand, he leaves a power vacuum in his party that mirrors the space vacated by the late Jayalalithaa of the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) in December 2016.
3. On the other, his death heralds a deeply troubling time for Tamil Nadu, which has seen what some describe as a secular decline in governance quality in recent years.
4. Consider first what his passing means for the future of the DMK and the broader ripple effect on State politics.
5. Both dimensions of the current scenario must be studied to better understand the prognosis for the State.
- The irony of today’s India is that while our politics is looking towards our history more often than ever before, we are also becoming comfortable with its constant manipulation. The controversial Article 35A of the Constitution, which is currently being challenged in the Supreme Court, is a case in point. ____________________ The media has largely gone along with this explanation, often portraying the debate as a question of “special status” of Jammu and Kashmir and the Article as some sort of unusual concession to the State. In fact, the fundamental purpose of Article 35A, when it was introduced in 1954 as part of a Presidential Order, was the exact opposite: instead of giving the state a “special status”, it was designed to take autonomy away from it.
1. The Article was introduced in May 1954 as part of a larger Presidential Order package, which made several additions to the Constitution (not just Article 35A).
2. The overall gist of this Order was to give the Government of India enormously more powers over the State than it had enjoyed before.
3. Its critics have argued that the Article affords Jammu and Kashmir undue powers, particularly by preventing non-State residents to own land in the State.
4. For the first time, India’s fundamental rights and directive principles were applicable to Jammu and Kashmir and the State’s finances were integrated with India.
5. Importantly, the Order also extended the Indian Supreme Court’s jurisdiction over certain aspects of Jammu and Kashmir.